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Chapter 6. Bhakti - Sufi Traditions Changes In Religious Beliefs And Devotional Texts (C. Eighth To Eighteenth Century)
Between the eighth and eighteenth centuries, the religious landscape of the Indian subcontinent underwent significant changes. This period is characterized by the emergence of new religious beliefs and practices, the rise of influential poet-saints, and the compilation of devotional texts.
As seen in Chapter 4, earlier periods were marked by diverse religious structures (stupas, monasteries, temples) and textual traditions (Puranas). The period under review saw the rise of the Bhakti (devotional Hinduism) and Sufi (mystical Islam) movements.
New textual sources include compositions by poet-saints, often oral initially and later compiled by disciples. These traditions were dynamic, evolving over generations through interactions with changing political, social, and cultural contexts.
Historians use various sources to reconstruct these religious histories, including texts (compositions of saints, hagiographies, Puranas), sculpture, architecture, and inscriptions.
Hagiographies are biographies of saints or religious leaders written by their followers. While they may not always be factually accurate, they are valuable for understanding how devotees perceived the lives, teachings, and achievements of these individuals.
These sources reveal a period marked by great dynamism, diversity, and interaction between different religious traditions.
A Mosaic Of Religious Beliefs And Practices
One prominent feature of this period was the increased visibility of a wide range of gods and goddesses depicted in sculpture and mentioned in texts. This reflects both the continued worship of major deities (Vishnu, Shiva, the Goddess, each in various forms) and the assimilation of local or regional deities and practices into broader traditions.
The Integration Of Cults
Historians identify processes of integration at work during this time:
- Dissemination of Brahmanical Ideas: Brahmanas actively worked to make their ideas more accessible. Puranic texts were composed and compiled in simple Sanskrit verse, specifically intended for women and Shudras who were traditionally excluded from Vedic learning.
- Acceptance and Reworking of Local Practices: Brahmanas also integrated beliefs and practices from different social groups and local traditions into the Puranic framework. This involved a continuous dialogue between the "great" Sanskritic/Puranic traditions and numerous "little" local traditions across the land.
Sociologist Robert Redfield used the terms "great" and "little" traditions to describe the cultural practices of peasant societies, noting how peasants observed rituals from dominant groups ("great") but also local practices not corresponding to the dominant tradition ("little"). Both traditions changed through interaction.
A striking example of this integration is the deity Jagannatha at Puri, Orissa. By the 12th century, a local deity, traditionally represented by a wooden image made by tribal specialists, was identified as a form of Vishnu ("Lord of the World"). This shows a local deity being incorporated into the Vaishnava pantheon, visualized in a way distinct from other depictions of Vishnu.
Integration was also common among goddess cults. Local goddesses, often represented simply by a stone smeared with ochre, were incorporated into the Puranic framework, identified as wives of major male deities like Lakshmi (wife of Vishnu) or Parvati (wife of Shiva).
The sculpture of the Buddhist goddess Marichi from Bihar (c. 10th century) serves as an example of the integration process occurring across different religious traditions, where ideas and visual representations might influence each other.
Difference And Conflict
Despite processes of integration, difference and conflict were also characteristic of the religious landscape. Forms of worship classified as Tantric were widespread, open to all regardless of caste or gender within the ritual context, and often disregarded Vedic authority. Tantric ideas influenced Shaivism and Buddhism.
Over the millennium, these diverse beliefs and practices became broadly classified as Hindu. However, divergences from the early Vedic tradition were significant: principal Vedic deities became marginal, while Puranic mythologies centered on Vishnu, Shiva, and the Goddess were vastly different from their brief mentions in Vedic mantras.
Conflict arose between those who revered the Vedic tradition (condemning practices beyond Vedic rituals/mantras) and those in Tantric traditions (ignoring Vedic authority). Devotees often projected their chosen deity (Vishnu or Shiva) as supreme, leading to tensions not only within Hindu traditions but also with other traditions like Buddhism and Jainism.
Within this context of diversity, dialogue, and conflict, traditions of Bhakti (devotion) gained prominence.
Poems Of Prayer Early Traditions Of Bhakti
Bhakti traditions, focusing on devotional worship, evolved over a long period. In many instances, poet-saints became central figures around whom communities of devotees formed.
While Brahmanas remained important ritual intermediaries in some forms of bhakti, these traditions also provided space and recognition for women and people from "lower castes," groups often marginalized within orthodox Brahmanical frameworks regarding spiritual liberation. Bhakti traditions were notably diverse in their practices and expressions.
Historians broadly classify bhakti traditions into: Saguna bhakti (worship of a deity with specific attributes and forms, often anthropomorphic, e.g., Shiva, Vishnu, Devi) and Nirguna bhakti (worship of an abstract, formless concept of God).
The Alvars And Nayanars Of Tamil Nadu
Some of the earliest bhakti movements (c. 6th century CE) originated in Tamil Nadu, led by the Alvars (devotees of Vishnu) and Nayanars (devotees of Shiva). These poet-saints traveled across the region, composing and singing devotional hymns in Tamil, praising their chosen deities.
During their journeys, they identified specific shrines as particularly sacred abodes of their gods. Many large temples were later built at these sites, becoming significant centers of pilgrimage. The compositions of these poet-saints became part of temple rituals, and images of the saints themselves were also worshipped in these shrines.
Compilations of Devotional Literature:
- Compositions of the 12 Alvars were compiled by the 10th century into the anthology Nalayira Divyaprabandham ("Four Thousand Sacred Compositions"), often referred to as the Tamil Veda.
- Poems of the Nayanar saints Appar, Sambandar, and Sundarar were compiled and classified by the 10th century into the collection Tevaram, based on the musical mode (raga) of the songs.
Attitudes Towards Caste
Historians suggest that the Alvars and Nayanars movements might have been a form of protest against the caste system and Brahmanical dominance, or at least an attempt to reform the system. Evidence for this includes that bhaktas came from diverse social backgrounds, from Brahmanas to artisans, cultivators, and even groups considered "untouchable."
The significance of the Alvars and Nayanars traditions was highlighted by claims that their Tamil compositions were as important as the Sanskrit Vedas, challenging the exclusive authority of Brahmanical texts and learning.
Source 1: Excerpt from a composition by Tondaradippodi, an Alvar Brahmana, comparing Vishnu's preference for "servants" (bhaktas) over Chaturvedins (Brahmanas).
Brahmana Alvar Tondaradippodi writes: "You (Vishnu) manifestly like those 'servants' who express their love for your feet, though they may be born outcastes, more than the Chaturvedins who are strangers and without allegiance to your service."
Answer:
This composition suggests that Tondaradippodi, despite being a Brahmana, critically viewed the Brahmanical emphasis on ritual learning (knowing the four Vedas, being a Chaturvedin) and birth status alone for spiritual merit. He argues that Vishnu prefers devotion and love, even from someone born an "outcaste," over ritualistic knowledge from those (Brahmanas/Chaturvedins) who lack true devotion ("strangers and without allegiance to your service"). This indicates a stance that valued devotion over caste hierarchy or ritual expertise acquired solely through birth and textual learning. While it critiques the perceived spiritual arrogance or lack of genuine devotion among some Brahmanas, it doesn't necessarily call for the *abolition* of the caste system itself, but rather challenges the Brahmanical claim of inherent superiority based on birth and ritual knowledge, suggesting that true spiritual worth comes from devotion, regardless of caste.
Source 2: Verse composed by Appar, a Nayanar saint, questioning gotra and kula.
Appar writes: "O rogues who quote the law books, Of what use are your gotra and kula? Just bow to Marperu’s lord (Shiva) as your sole refuge."
Answer:
Appar directly questions the importance of lineage and caste markers ("gotra and kula"), which are central to the Brahmanical social order and used to determine status and marriage eligibility. By calling those who emphasize these ("rogues who quote the law books") to instead seek refuge solely in devotion to Shiva, he explicitly dismisses the significance of Brahmanical social norms and legal texts in the path to salvation. Comparing attitudes: Both Tondaradippodi (Source 1) and Appar critique aspects of Brahmanical dominance and emphasize devotion over birth/ritual. Tondaradippodi critiques the spiritual merit of learned Brahmanas lacking devotion, valuing devotion from outcastes more. Appar directly questions the utility of caste/lineage itself and law books, urging sole reliance on devotion. Similarities: Both prioritize devotion/bhakti over Brahmanical hierarchical claims. Differences: Appar's critique is more direct and explicit in questioning the very relevance of gotra/kula and "law books" (likely Dharmashastras), while Tondaradippodi's critique focuses on the *spiritual state* of Brahmanas rather than directly challenging the varna system's structure, although his valuation of outcaste devotion challenges its spiritual implications.
Women Devotees
A striking feature of these early bhakti traditions was the significant presence of women poet-saints. Andal, a woman Alvar, composed verses expressing her devotion as the beloved of Vishnu, which are still widely sung.
Another notable woman, Karaikkal Ammaiyar, a devotee of Shiva, adopted extreme asceticism. Her compositions were preserved in the Nayanar tradition. These women renounced traditional social obligations (like marriage and family) but did not join formal monastic orders (unlike Buddhist nuns). Their very existence and compositions, by choosing paths outside prescribed norms, challenged patriarchal social expectations.
Source 3: Excerpt from a poem by Karaikkal Ammaiyar describing herself as a female Pey (demoness).
Describes herself as a female Pey (demoness) with "bulging veins, protruding eyes, white teeth and shrunken stomach, red haired and jutting teeth, lengthy shins extending till the ankles," who "shouts and wails while wandering in the forest." States this is forest of Alankatu, home of her father Shiva who dances with matted hair, cool limbs.
Answer:
In this poem, Karaikkal Ammaiyar deliberately depicts herself in ways that are the opposite of traditional notions of feminine beauty and societal expectations of women. She portrays herself with grotesque physical features ("bulging veins," "protruding eyes," "white teeth and shrunken stomach," "red haired," "jutting teeth," "lengthy shins") and describes her actions as unconventional and perhaps unsettling ("shouts and wails while wandering in the forest"). Traditional feminine beauty standards often emphasized smooth skin, soft features, full bodies, and graceful movements, while societal norms expected women to be within settled domestic spaces, quiet, and demure. By embracing the form and characteristics of a Pey (demoness), who is physically stark, wandering freely, and expressing herself forcefully, she presents a radical contrast to these traditional notions, signifying her complete renunciation of conventional worldly life, its expectations, and its standards of beauty, in her intense pursuit of devotion to Shiva.
Relations With The State
From the second half of the first millennium CE, powerful states emerged in the Tamil region (Pallavas, Pandyas, later Cholas). While Buddhism and Jainism received earlier patronage, these new states often supported Brahmanical and bhakti traditions.
Tamil bhakti hymns, especially Nayanar compositions, often express strong opposition to Buddhism and Jainism. Historians suggest this hostility might stem from competition for royal patronage and support from merchant/artisan communities.
The powerful Chola rulers (9th to 13th centuries) were significant patrons of Brahmanical and bhakti traditions, providing land grants and constructing grand temples for Vishnu and Shiva. Some of the most magnificent Shiva temples were built under Chola patronage, and their visions inspired bronze sculptures of Shiva (like Nataraja).
Alvars and Nayanars were revered by the Vellala peasants. Rulers sought to gain the support of these popular poet-saints and their followers. Chola kings used the construction of splendid temples adorned with sculptures recreating saints' visions to claim divine support and assert their own power and status.
They also promoted Tamil Shaiva hymns in temples and took initiative to collect and organize them (Tevaram). Inscriptions record Chola rulers consecrating metal images of Nayanar saints in temples and carrying them in festival processions, further linking royal power with popular bhakti traditions.
The Virashaiva Tradition In Karnataka
A new movement, the Virashaiva tradition (or Lingayats), emerged in Karnataka in the 12th century, led by the Brahmana Basavanna.
Lingayats worship Shiva in the form of a linga, typically worn on a loop over the left shoulder by men. They revere wandering monks (jangama).
Key beliefs and practices of Lingayats:
- They believe devotees are united with Shiva upon death and do not experience rebirth. Therefore, they do not practice cremation but ceremonially bury their dead.
- They challenged the ideas of caste, Brahmanical notions of "pollution," and the theory of rebirth. This attracted followers from marginalized groups.
- They encouraged practices disapproved in Dharmashastras, such as post-puberty marriage and remarriage of widows.
Understanding of the Virashaiva tradition comes from vachanas (sayings) composed in Kannada by its followers, including women and men.
Source 4: A vachana composed by Basavanna, critiquing ritualistic practices.
Basavanna writes: "When they see a serpent carved in stone they pour milk on it. If a real serpent comes they say: 'Kill. Kill.' To the servant of the god who could eat if served they say: 'Go away! Go away!' But to the image of the god which cannot eat they offer dishes of food."
Answer:
Basavanna's vachana expresses a strong critique of hypocrisy in religious rituals and a focus on symbolic worship over genuine compassion and recognition of divinity in living beings. He highlights the inconsistency of people showing reverence (pouring milk) to a stone carving of a serpent while wanting to kill a real serpent. Similarly, he points out the irony of feeding inanimate idol images (which "cannot eat") while neglecting living devotees or servants of God ("servant of the god who could eat") who are in need of sustenance. His attitude towards rituals is critical and rational; he questions their sincerity and true spiritual value when they are performed for symbols while neglecting the needs of living beings, suggesting a preference for genuine action and compassion over symbolic rites. He attempts to convince the listener by using stark, concrete examples from everyday life that highlight the illogical and hypocritical nature of these practices, forcing the listener to confront the inconsistency between their ritualistic behavior and their actions towards living beings.
Religious Ferment In North India
During the same period (c. 8th-18th centuries), temple worship of Vishnu and Shiva continued in North India, often supported by rulers. However, historian haven't found evidence of devotional compositions resembling those of the Alvars and Nayanars until around the 14th century.
This difference might be linked to the emergence of several Rajput states in North India. Brahmanas often held significant positions in these states, and there was less direct challenge to their authority compared to the protest movements in the south.
Simultaneously, other religious leaders operating outside the orthodox Brahmanical framework gained popularity. These included the Naths, Jogis, and Siddhas, many of whom came from artisanal groups (like weavers) gaining importance with organized craft production and trade with Central/West Asia.
These new leaders questioned Vedic authority and expressed ideas in local languages, contributing to the development of modern Indian languages. However, they generally did not receive support from ruling elites.
A new factor was the arrival of the Turks, leading to the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate (13th century). This undermined the power of many Rajput states and associated Brahmanas, bringing significant changes in culture and religion, including the arrival of Sufis.
Ulama: Scholars of Islamic studies, performing religious, juridical, and teaching functions as preservers of Islamic tradition.
New Strands In The Fabric Islamic Traditions
Contact with regions beyond the subcontinent had existed for millennia (Arab merchants on west coast, Central Asian settlers in northwest). From the 7th century, these regions became part of the Islamic world.
Faiths Of Rulers And Subjects
The significance of these connections can be understood by focusing on the religions of ruling elites. Following the conquest of Sind by Muhammad Qasim (711), and later the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate (Turks/Afghans, 13th century) and regional Sultanates, Islam became an acknowledged religion of rulers in several areas. This continued with the Mughal Empire (16th century onwards).
Theoretically, Muslim rulers were to be guided by the ulama, ruling according to the shari‘a (Islamic law based on Qur'an, hadis, qiyas, ijma). In India, with its large non-Muslim population, the situation was complex.
The category of zimmi ("protected") developed for people following revealed scriptures (Jews, Christians) under Muslim rule; they paid a tax (jizya) for protection. In India, this status was extended to Hindus.
Many rulers adopted a flexible policy, regarding themselves as emperors of all peoples, not just Muslims. They gave grants (land endowments, tax exemptions) to institutions of various religions (Hindu, Jaina, Zoroastrian, Christian, Jewish) and showed respect for non-Muslim religious leaders. Mughal rulers like Akbar and Aurangzeb made such grants.
Source 5: Excerpt from a farman (imperial order) issued by Akbar in 1598 regarding building a church in Khambat.
Imperial order states Jesuits wish to build house of prayer (church) in Khambat (Gujarat). Orders dignitaries not to hinder but allow church building for worship. States Emperor's order necessary to be obeyed in every way.
Answer:
Based on the wording of the farman, Akbar anticipated opposition to his order from the "dignitaries of the city of Kambayat" (Khambat). The phrasing "should in no case stand in their way but should allow them" suggests that there might have been reluctance or potential resistance from local officials or influential figures towards allowing the construction of a Christian church. The final sentence, emphasizing that "the order of the Emperor should be obeyed in every way," reinforces the possibility of anticipated opposition and underscores the imperial authority required to ensure compliance with his policy of religious tolerance in this instance.
Source 6: Excerpt from a letter written by Aurangzeb to a Jogi in 1661-62.
Letter addressed to "The possessor of the sublime station, Shiv Murat, Guru Anand Nath Jio!". Expresses wish for his reverence's peace/happiness under protection of Sri Shiv Jio. Mentions sending cloth for cloak and 25 rupees as offering. Requests Jogi to write whenever service can be rendered.
Answer:
This letter from Aurangzeb, a Mughal emperor known for his more orthodox religious policies, to a Hindu Jogi (ascetic/yogi) is significant. It shows a Mughal ruler expressing deep respect ("sublime station," "Guru Anand Nath Jio," "Your Reverence"), wishing him protection from a Hindu deity ("Sri Shiv Jio!"), sending offerings (cloth, money), and even offering his services ("write to us whenever there is any service which can be rendered by us"). This demonstrates that even orthodox rulers like Aurangzeb maintained respectful relations and offered patronage to non-Muslim religious figures, possibly for political legitimacy, social influence, or personal spiritual inclination. The deity worshipped by the Jogi is indicated as Shiv (Shiva). The attitude of the emperor towards the Jogi, as reflected in the letter, is one of profound reverence, humility, and willingness to serve.
The Popular Practice Of Islam
The influence of Islam extended beyond rulers to different social strata. Those who adopted Islam accepted its five pillars (shahada, namaz, zakat, sawm, hajj), but these universal tenets were often blended with local customary practices of converts from various social backgrounds, leading to diversity in practice.
- Khojahs: A Shi‘a sect, developed new ways to disseminate Qur'anic ideas through indigenous literary genres (ginan, derived from Sanskrit "knowledge"). These were devotional poems in local languages (Punjabi, Sindhi, Gujarati) sung during prayer meetings.
- Arab Merchants: Settled on the Malabar coast, adopted local language (Malayalam) and customs like matriliny and matrilocal residence.
The blend of universal faith with local traditions is also visible in mosque architecture. Universal features include orientation towards Mecca (mihrab, minbar), but variations exist in roofs, building materials, and overall style, often incorporating local architectural elements.
Names For Communities
The terms "Hindu" and "Muslim" as labels for distinct religious communities did not gain currency immediately. Between the 8th and 14th centuries, people were often identified by their region of origin (Turushka for Turks, Tajika for people from Tajikistan, Parashika for people from Persia). Migrants were sometimes referred to by terms used for earlier groups (Shakas, Yavanas).
A more general term for migrant communities was mlechchha, implying they did not follow caste norms or spoke non-Sanskritic languages. This term could have negative connotations but rarely denoted a distinct religious community of Muslims in opposition to Hindus.
As discussed (Chapter 5), "Hindu" was used geographically, not necessarily religiously.
Shari‘a: The Islamic law governing the Muslim community, derived from the Qur'an, hadis (Prophet's traditions), qiyas (reasoning by analogy), and ijma (community consensus).
The Growth Of Sufism
In early Islam, Sufis emerged as religious-minded individuals who practiced asceticism and mysticism, often as a protest against the growing materialism of the Caliphate. They were critical of theologians' rigid interpretations and emphasized seeking salvation through intense devotion (love) for God, following the Prophet Muhammad's example.
Khanqahs And Silsilas
By the 11th century, Sufism became an organized movement. Sufis formed communities around hospices called khanqahs, led by a master (shaikh, pir, or murshid). The master enrolled disciples (murids), appointed successors (khalifa), and set rules for spiritual conduct.
Silsilas ("chains") emerged around the 12th century – lineages signifying an unbroken link of spiritual authority from master to disciple, ultimately tracing back to Prophet Muhammad. Initiation rituals involved oaths of allegiance and wearing specific garments.
Upon a shaikh's death, his tomb-shrine (dargah) became a center of devotion. Pilgrimage (ziyarat) to the dargah, especially on the shaikh's death anniversary (urs, symbolizing union with God), became common. People sought blessings (barakat) for material and spiritual benefits. Revered shaikhs were called wali (friend of God), believed to perform miracles (karamat).
Sufism and tasawwuf: Sufism is the English term for the Islamic concept of tasawwuf (mysticism). Origins debated: some link it to 'suf' (wool, referring to coarse clothes), others to 'safa' (purity), or 'suffa' (platform outside Prophet's mosque where followers gathered).
Names of silsilas: Sufi lineages named after founders (Qadiri after Shaikh Abd'ul Qadir Jilani) or place of origin (Chishti after Chisht, Afghanistan).
Data Ganj Bakhsh: Abu’l Hasan al Hujwiri (d. 1073) from Afghanistan, forced to cross Indus, settled in Lahore. Wrote *Kashf-ul-Mahjub* on tasawwuf. Buried in Lahore; tomb-shrine became pilgrimage site, revered as Data Ganj Bakhsh ("Giver who bestows treasures").
Outside The Khanqah
Some mystics followed radical sufi ideals, rejecting khanqahs, living as mendicants (beggars), observing celibacy, ignoring rituals, and practicing extreme asceticism. They were known by various names (Qalandars, Madaris, Malangs, Haidaris). Because they deliberately disregarded shari‘a, they were called be-shari‘a (without shari‘a), contrasted with ba-shari‘a sufis who followed it.
The Chishtis In The Subcontinent
The Chishtis were the most influential sufi group migrating to India from the late 12th century. Their success was due to adapting to the local environment and adopting aspects of Indian devotional traditions.
Life In The Chishti Khanqah
The Chishti khanqah was the center of social life. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya's hospice near Delhi (14th century) is an example, with rooms, a large hall (jama’at khana), and an open kitchen (langar) run on futuh (unsolicited charity).
People from all walks of life visited, seeking discipleship, healing amulets, or the shaikh's intercession. Visitors included soldiers, slaves, singers, merchants, poets, travelers, rich, poor, Hindus (jogis), and other mystics (qalandars).
Practices like bowing to the shaikh, offering water, shaving heads of initiates, and yogic exercises were adopted, showing attempts to assimilate local traditions.
Shaikh Nizamuddin appointed successors who established hospices elsewhere, spreading Chishti teachings and attracting pilgrims to shrines of past masters.
Major Teachers of the Chishti Silsila:
| Sufi Teachers | Year of Death | Location of Dargah |
|---|---|---|
| Shaikh Muinuddin Sijzi | 1235 | Ajmer (Rajasthan) |
| Khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki | 1235 | Delhi |
| Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i Shakar (Baba Farid) | 1265 | Ajodhan (Pakistan) |
| Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya | 1325 | Delhi |
| Shaikh Nasiruddin Chiragh-i Dehli | 1356 | Delhi |
Chishti Devotionalism: Ziyarat And Qawwali
Ziyarat (pilgrimage) to sufi saints' tombs is widespread, seeking spiritual grace (barakat). Dargahs of the five great Chishti saints are revered. Khwaja Muinuddin's dargah in Ajmer ("Gharib Nawaz") is most popular.
Khwaja Muinuddin's dargah (earliest references 14th century) gained popularity due to the shaikh's piety, his successors, and royal patronage. Muhammad bin Tughlaq was first Sultan to visit. Sultan Ghiyasuddin Khalji of Malwa funded the tomb structure (late 15th century). Location on Delhi-Gujarat trade route attracted travelers.
By the 16th century, the shrine was very popular. Akbar was inspired by singing pilgrims, visiting 14 times (sometimes multiple times a year) seeking blessings for conquests, vows, and sons. He made generous gifts (huge cauldron for cooking, mosque) and continued visits until 1580.
Source 7: Excerpt from Jahanara’s biography of Shaikh Muinuddin Chishti (Munis al Arwah, 1643) describing her pilgrimage to Ajmer.
Jahanara (Shah Jahan's daughter) went from Agra with father to Ajmer. Committed to performing optional prayers daily. Did not sleep on leopard skin at night, did not extend feet/turn back towards sanctuary. Passed days beneath trees. On 4th Ramzan, attained happiness of pilgrimage to tomb. With an hour of daylight remaining, went to sanctuary, rubbed face with threshold dust. From doorway to tomb, went barefoot, kissing ground. Entered dome, circled light-filled tomb 7 times. Put finest itar on tomb with own hand, placed rose scarf from head on tomb top.
Answer:
Jahanara records several gestures indicating her deep devotion: performing daily optional prayers during the journey, practicing austerities like not sleeping on a leopard skin and sleeping under trees, showing physical respect by not extending her feet or turning her back towards the sanctuary even from a distance, rubbing her face with the threshold dust (signifying humility and reverence for the sacred space), walking barefoot from the doorway to the tomb, kissing the ground along the path, circumambulating the tomb seven times, applying perfume (itar) with her own hand, and placing her headscarf (rose scarf) on top of the tomb (a symbol of offering and surrender). These actions collectively convey profound humility, reverence, physical hardship undertaken out of devotion, and intimate acts of offering towards the Shaikh's resting place. She suggests the dargah was a special place by describing it with epithets like "pure region of incomparable Ajmer," "illuminated and the perfumed tomb," and "holy sanctuary," emphasizing its spiritual purity, sensory beauty (perfume, light), and sacredness as a place of pilgrimage and divine connection.
Music and dance are part of ziyarat, using mystical chants by qawwals to evoke divine ecstasy. Remembering God through zikr (Divine Names) or evoking Presence through sama‘ (audition/mystical music performance) was central to Chishtis, reflecting interaction with indigenous devotional traditions.
Languages And Communication
Chishtis adopted local languages for communication and devotional expression. In Delhi, they conversed in Hindavi. Sufis like Baba Farid composed verses in local languages, included in Guru Granth Sahib. Long poems (masnavis) expressed divine love allegorically (e.g., Malik Muhammad Jayasi's Padmavat using human romance). These were recited in hospices during sama‘.
In Karnataka, Chishti sufis composed short poems (Dakhani, a variant of Urdu) (17th-18th centuries), likely sung by women during chores (grinding, spinning), lullabies, and wedding songs. Inspired by local bhakti traditions (Kannada vachanas, Marathi abhangs), this facilitated Islam's spread in the Deccan villages.
Amir Khusrau and the qaul: Amir Khusrau (1253-1325) introduced the qaul ("saying"), a hymn starting/ending qawwali, using Arabic, Persian, Hindavi/Urdu. Qawwals at Nizamuddin Auliya's shrine start with qaul. Qawwali now widespread.
Answer:
Amir Khusrau's contribution of the qaul gave qawwali a distinctive structure, combining different languages in a specific format. This allowed for a rich linguistic blend and contributed to the unique devotional experience of sama'. The use of Hindavi/Urdu alongside Persian and Arabic made qawwali accessible and appealing to a wider audience in the subcontinent, incorporating local languages into the devotional musical tradition. The practice of qawwali at Nizamuddin Auliya's shrine, starting with the qaul, became a core element of Chishti devotionalism, blending mystical content with a lively musical performance style.
Source 8: Charkhanama, a song for spinning wheel, on performing zikr while working.
Song guides spinner to do zikr (remembrance of God's name) while spinning cotton: zikr-i jali (loud zikr) taking cotton, zikr-i qalbi (heart zikr) separating, zikr-i aini (eye zikr) spooling. Zikr from stomach through chest, threaded through throat. Count threads of breath (up to 24,000). Do day/night, offer to pir (spiritual master) as gift.
Answer:
This song uses the everyday activity of spinning as an allegory for spiritual practice (zikr). It integrates the performance of zikr into mundane work tasks, suggesting that devotion can be a continuous, embodied process, not confined to specific ritual times or places. The ideas and modes of expression are similar to Jahanara's description of her ziyarat (Source 7) in that both involve physical actions performed out of devotion and aimed at spiritual benefit or seeking closeness to the divine (offering prayers, performing austerities, rituals at the tomb vs. performing zikr during work). Both also involve offering the fruits of their effort (pilgrimage acts, prayers, specific offerings by Jahanara; the continuous practice of zikr and offering it as a "gift" to the pir in the song). However, they are different in their context and form: Jahanara's devotion is expressed through specific rituals and physical acts performed during a formal pilgrimage to a saint's dargah, emphasizing reverence for the saint and the sacred space, documented as a specific event. The Charkhanama song, in contrast, describes devotion as an ongoing, internalized practice integrated into daily, mundane labor (spinning), emphasizing continuous remembrance of God throughout one's activities, suggesting a more domestic or individual mode of devotion less tied to pilgrimage or formal sacred spaces, and communicated through popular song form accessible to ordinary working people.
Sufis And The State
Chishti tradition valued austerity and distance from worldly power, but not absolute isolation from rulers. Sufis accepted unsolicited grants (auqaf, inam) from political elites, using donations for immediate needs rather than accumulating wealth, enhancing their moral authority and attracting followers.
Kings sought support and legitimacy from sufis, who were popular among masses due to piety, scholarship, and perceived miraculous powers. Rulers needed legitimation from sufis, who derived authority directly from God, unlike ulama dependent on jurists. Kings often wanted tombs near sufis' shrines.
Conflict sometimes arose between Sultans and sufis (e.g., over rituals like prostration). Some sufis were addressed with high titles (e.g., Nizamuddin Auliya as sultan-ul-mashaikh).
Source 9: Excerpt from Fawa’id-al-Fu’ad (compiled by Amir Hasan Sijzi) describing Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya declining a royal gift of gardens/land from Ulugh Khan (later Sultan Ghiyasuddin).
Author Amir Hasan Sijzi kisses Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya's feet (1313). Local ruler sent deed of ownership for 2 gardens/land, provisions, tools. Ruler relinquished rights. Master (Shaikh) didn't accept, lamented "What have I to do with gardens and fields and lands? ... None of our spiritual masters had engaged in such activity." Tells story of Shaikh Fariduddin (Baba Farid) who was offered money and 4 village deeds by Sultan Ghiyasuddin (then Ulugh Khan). Fariduddin accepted money for dervishes but declined land deeds, saying "There are many who long for them. Give them away to such persons."
Answer:
This account best illustrates the Chishti tradition of maintaining a principled distance from worldly power and wealth, even when offered unsolicited. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya's refusal of the land gift and his lament ("What have I to do with gardens and fields and lands?") demonstrate their commitment to austerity and non-attachment to material possessions, which enhanced their moral authority. The story about Baba Farid refusing land deeds reinforces this principle, showing that spiritual masters prioritized serving the poor (accepting money for dervishes) but avoided entanglement with land ownership, which was a source of worldly power and conflict. It highlights the ideal of the Chishti masters to remain independent of the state's material endowments, choosing spiritual wealth over material gain. The account tells us about the modes of communication between the Shaikh and his disciples in that it is compiled by a disciple (Amir Hasan Sijzi) based on the Shaikh's "uttered" words ("Malfuzat"). This shows that disciples carefully recorded and transmitted the shaikh's teachings, actions, and conversations, including his parables and opinions on matters like relations with the state and adherence to the principles exemplified by earlier masters. This documentation was a key way of preserving and communicating the silsila's values and history to followers.
Other sufis (Suhrawardi, Naqshbandi) were also associated with the state, sometimes accepting courtly offices, showing variations in the relationship between different sufi orders and political power.
New Devotional Paths Dialogue And Dissent In Northern India
North India saw the rise of new poet-saints engaging with contemporary social, religious, and political issues, expressing dialogue and dissent, often in popular languages.
Weaving A Divine Fabric: Kabir
Kabir (c. 14th-15th centuries) is a prominent poet-saint whose life and teachings are reconstructed from compositions and later hagiographies. His verses are found in different compilations (Kabir Bijak, Kabir Granthavali, Adi Granth Sahib).
Kabir's poems survive in various languages/dialects. His language for nirguna (formless) poetry is called sant bhasha. Ulatbansi (upside-down sayings) use inverted meanings to express mystical experiences (e.g., "lotus blooms without flower").
He drew on diverse traditions to describe Ultimate Reality: Islamic terms (Allah, Khuda, Pir), Vedantic terms (alakh, nirakar, Brahman, Atman), yogic terms (shabda, shunya).
Source 10: A composition attributed to Kabir questioning the distinction between gods of different communities.
Kabir asks how there can be two lords, when there is only one called by many names (Allah, Ram, Karim, Keshav, Hari, Hazrat). Compares gold shaped into rings/bangles, still same gold. Says distinctions are invented words. States both (Hindus/Muslims) mistaken, can't find only Ram. One kills goat, other cows. Waste lives disputing.
Answer:
Kabir's argument against distinguishing between gods of different communities is based on the fundamental concept of the unity of God, who is one but called by many different names by different traditions. He uses the analogy of gold being shaped into different ornaments (rings, bangles) but remaining the same gold to illustrate that the various names and forms used to refer to God are just external distinctions ("words we invent") applied to the same singular divine reality. By highlighting the superficiality of names and forms, he argues that the disputes between religious communities (symbolized by Hindus/Muslims killing cows/goats respectively and wasting lives disputing) are misguided because they fail to recognize the underlying unity of the divine being they both worship. His point is that these distinctions are man-made and prevent people from realizing the single true God (Ram/Allah).
Kabir's poems express diverse ideas, sometimes using Islamic monotheism/iconoclasm against Hindu practices, other times using sufi concepts for Hindu devotion. It's hard to verify which verses are authentically Kabir's. His verses signify he inspired questioning of religious/social institutions in search of the Divine.
Kabir's ideas were shaped by dialogue with sufis and yogis. His legacy was claimed by various groups (Kabirpanth, Dadupanth, Sikh tradition), leading to debates about his religious background (Hindu or Muslim), reflected in hagiographies composed centuries after his death.
Baba Guru Nanak And The Sacred Word
Baba Guru Nanak (1469-1539), founder of Sikhism, born in a Hindu merchant family in Punjab. He practiced nirguna bhakti (formless devotion), rejecting external religious practices (sacrifices, ritual baths, image worship, scriptures) of Hindus and Muslims.
He believed the Absolute ("rab") had no gender or form. Proposed connecting to the Divine by remembering and repeating the Divine Name, expressed in hymns ("shabad") in Punjabi. He sang these with his attendant Mardana playing the rabab.
Baba Guru Nanak organized followers into a community with rules for congregational worship (sangat) involving collective recitation. He appointed a successor, Angad (guru), continuing a practice for nearly 200 years.
After his death, followers consolidated practices, distinguishing themselves from Hindus/Muslims. Fifth preceptor, Guru Arjan, compiled hymns of Baba Guru Nanak, his successors, and other poets (Baba Farid, Ravidas, Kabir) into the Adi Granth Sahib. These hymns ("gurbani") are in various languages.
Tenth preceptor, Guru Gobind Singh (late 17th century), added compositions of ninth guru (Guru Tegh Bahadur) to create the Guru Granth Sahib. He founded the Khalsa Panth (army of the pure), defining its five symbols (uncut hair, dagger, shorts, comb, steel bangle), consolidating the community into a socio-religious and military force.
Mirabai, The Devotee Princess
Mirabai (c. 15th-16th centuries) is a well-known woman poet in bhakti tradition. Her life is reconstructed from her orally transmitted bhajans (devotional songs). She was a Rajput princess from Marwar, married to a Mewar prince.
She defied traditional roles, recognizing Krishna as her lover, not her husband. Despite her in-laws' attempts to poison her, she escaped the palace to live as a wandering saint, composing intensely emotional songs.
Source 11: Part of a song attributed to Mirabai, expressing her devotion and defiance towards the king.
Mirabai sings she will build/light her pyre by Lord's hand, smear ash on limbs. Let flame be lost in flame. Asks "What can Mewar’s ruler do to me? If God is angry, all is lost, But what can the Rana do?"
Answer:
This indicates Mirabai's profound devotion to Krishna and her radical defiance of worldly authority, including the king (Rana) of Mewar, who was her husband's family ruler. She contrasts the ultimate power and potential wrath of God with the limited power of the earthly ruler. Her rhetorical question, "What can Mewar's ruler do to me? ... But what can the Rana do?", after stating "If God is angry, all is lost," emphasizes that her ultimate allegiance and fear lie only with the Divine. She sees the king's authority as insignificant compared to God's, implying that no earthly power can harm her if she has God's favor, and conversely, earthly power is useless if God is displeased. This reflects her complete surrender to her chosen deity and rejection of societal norms and political authority that sought to control her life, highlighting her status as a renouncer whose only master was Krishna.
According to some traditions, her preceptor was Raidas, a leather worker, suggesting her defiance of caste norms by associating with someone from a marginalized group. After leaving her palace, she wore renunciate robes.
Mirabai did not found a sect but inspired many, particularly poor and "low caste" women and men in Gujarat and Rajasthan, who continue to sing her songs.
Reconstructing Histories Of Religious Traditions
Historians use a variety of sources (sculpture, architecture, stories about teachers, compositions) to reconstruct religious histories. Understanding sculpture and architecture requires grasping the context (ideas, beliefs of creators/users).
Textual traditions are diverse (texts in various languages/styles, from vachanas to farmans). Understanding texts requires linguistic skills and awareness of subtle stylistic variations across genres. Historians compare contemporary practices with historical texts/art to trace changes, recognizing that traditions are dynamic, although contemporary followers may not always accept the idea of change.
Shankaradeva: Late 15th-century Vaishnava proponent in Assam. Teachings (Bhagavati dharma) based on Bhagavad Gita/Bhagavata Purana, focused on surrender to Vishnu. Emphasized naam kirtan (recitation of lord's name) in congregations (sat sanga), establishment of monasteries (satra) for spiritual knowledge, prayer halls (naam ghar). Practices flourish today. Major work: Kirtana-ghosha.
Varieties of sources for sufi traditions:
- Treatises/Manuals: Explain sufi thought/practices (e.g., *Kashf-ul-Mahjub* on sufi influence in India).
- Malfuzat: Collections of conversations of sufi saints (e.g., *Fawa’id-al-Fu’ad* for Nizamuddin Auliya). Compiled by disciples, didactic purpose, reflect life conditions.
- Maktubat: Collections of letters from sufi masters to disciples/associates. Share religious truth, reflect recipients' lives, spiritual/mundane difficulties (e.g., *Maktubat-i Imam Rabbani*).
- Tazkiras: Biographical accounts of saints (e.g., *Siyar-ul-Auliya*, *Akhbar-ul-Akhyar*). Glorify specific orders/lineages, often contain implausible/fantastic elements, but valuable for understanding tradition's nature.
These diverse sources, oral and textual, preserved or modified, offer insights into sufi traditions, which like other traditions, are dynamic and continue to evolve.